In recent years, Spain has witnessed a significant emphasis on the dangers of political polarization, often described as leading to increased tension, particularly in electoral contexts and parliamentary discourse.

Juan Roch, a political scientist and professor at UNED, challenges the conventional narrative in his new book, _¿Polarizados o paralizados?_ (Tecnos, 2025), suggesting that some degree of ideological polarization may indeed foster a more democratic environment.

Roch posits that historical democratic expansions often emerged from polarized contexts, where marginalized groups—such as women and workers—asserted their presence and demand for representation within democratic frameworks.

This phenomenon is characterized by what he terms 'democratizing polarization.'

When asked about the distinction between affective and ideological polarization, Roch explains that ideological polarization reflects the distance between extreme political positions, which may fluctuate as new parties enter the political sphere.

For instance, prior to the emergence of parties like Vox or Podemos, polarization in Spain was comparatively minimal, primarily dominated by the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the Popular Party (PP).

On the other hand, affective polarization relates to the emotional repulsion felt towards opposing viewpoints.

Roch acknowledges that while affective polarization can have detrimental effects, particularly when it breeds dehumanization of opponents, it is not entirely negative.

He cites Spain's 15M movement, which was fueled by feelings of indignation and rage but did not target opponents for exclusion; rather, it sought collective mobilization.

The growing concern over polarization has been tied to narratives surrounding populism, which Roch attributes to academic constructs that serve specific political contexts.

He asserts that such narratives have been particularly pronounced in Spain since the rise of Podemos, framing parties outside the traditional PSOE-PP consensus as threats to democratic stability.

He highlights a notable incident from the early days of Podemos when the presence of deputies with dreadlocks symbolized elite efforts to marginalize emerging voices, suggesting that labels like 'polarization' and 'populism' are often utilized to delineate acceptable political discourse and exclude dissenters.

Roch identifies what he sees as a more pressing issue facing Spain’s democracy: paralysis.

This term refers to the inability of the populace to recognize and address significant collective challenges—ranging from climate change to data center establishment.

He argues that this paralysis leads to irrational and often aggressive reactions, as citizens struggle to engage with pressing societal issues, driving the narrative towards polarization rather than addressing its underlying causes.

He cautions against equating the extremes of political ideology, indicating that empirical evidence suggests an asymmetric polarization, particularly with the rise of the far-right in various political landscapes, including Europe and Latin America.

In Spain, he points out that while Podemos aligned closely with the positions of Izquierda Unida, Vox has introduced more extreme right-wing perspectives that have shifted the political spectrum rightward.

Roch emphasizes that the challenges within Spain's democratic structure involve more than just the presence of multiple parties.

He argues that one must assess the internal struggles and the forces undermining the democracy, including electoral autocracies, which manipulate electoral processes while ostensibly adhering to democratic norms.

He cites examples from global politics, such as Donald Trump and Giorgia Meloni, who uphold democratic facades while enacting policies that consolidate power and diminish rights for specific groups.

The dialogue surrounding electoral rationality and limited rationality is also addressed by Roch, who explains that citizen voting behavior is often shaped by cultural and socioeconomic contexts.

He stresses that understanding polarization requires a broader examination of these societal factors.

In the specific context of Spain, he argues that historical narratives from the transition period have defined who is eligible for political engagement, with significant consequences for current political dynamics.

He alludes to the necessity for deeper democratic engagement, calling for initiatives that extend beyond popular movements like 15M, which mostly represented middle-class frustrations, to incorporate broader societal demands from marginalized groups.

Lastly, Roch proposes two foundational pillars for expanding democracy in the face of rising anti-democratic movements: building grassroots collectives within various sectors and coordinating these grassroots initiatives to form a cohesive movement.

He concludes by suggesting that effective leadership within these movements is crucial for their success and sustainability.